Tuesday, August 31, 2010

Merdeka celebration - I have a dream


Martin Luther King, Jr.

"I Have a Dream"



delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.






[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!3

Friday, August 27, 2010

I'm Razak, Abdul Razak the Great!

In case you've forgotten the way James Bond introduces himself:

I'm Bond, James Bond..

And now, we have, well, not quite James Bond, he is not as handsome and fit. Not quite a high profile spy but certainly spent plenty of our taxpayer's ringgit as James Bond for his awesome appearance and performance.

His is none other then........ ABDUL RAZAK, the Abdul Razak who strangled himself in the open court with video footage which AG Chamber delayed to put online.

Ladies and gentlemen, can we please welcome the new Super Comedy Star from our esteem AG Chamber, Encik Abdul Razak.......

(A friendly reminder: Please do not eat or drink during the entire video as you may be choked to death and we may need to have a Royal Commission to investigate your sudden pass away)

Sit tight, have a good time



Wednesday, August 25, 2010

雪人怎么不见了?

雪人怎麼不見了
雪人怎麼不見了
雪人只有手 沒有腳
讓他怎麼跑
雪人只怕太陽照
太陽一出雪就消
雪人不會喊呀不會叫呀
太陽出來它就自己融化掉
雪人原來不堅牢
只怕太陽照
太陽一出雪就消
雪人不見了
雪人怎麼不見了
雪人原來不堅牢
雖然他也有頭呀也有腦呀
那太陽出來他就自己不能保

Sunday, August 22, 2010

A Good Sunday reading

Perhaps you may have your weekend planned.

But if you can spare some 15 minutes to read the following article, and spend a little while to digest, I bet you'll be a better person, trust me.

Let's waste no time:



Friday, August 20, 2010

贪污课题敏感,那还办什么媒体?

如果媒体不能揭发贪污, 如果媒体不能谈论贪污课题,如果贪污课题必须在“大原则”下被消音,不如把媒体关掉算了!

你们要是不敢,那就让贤吧!

Thursday, August 19, 2010

Tightening the Net

Incident 1
-------
Jamaluddin Ibrahim, a famous Mandarin talk show host, and writer, was shut off today by his employer 988 FM, which is the subsidiary of The Star Publications.

According to Jamal, 988 received letter from MCMC (Malaysia Communications and Multimedia Commission) stating that Jamal has "threatening national security", and "provoke racial sentiment", of which Jamal has strongly denied both counts.
-----

Incident 2
-----
A well-known Chinese political weekly magazine terminated its Editor. The management claimed termination was acted according to instruction from the Ministry of Home Affair.
-----

Incident 3
-----
The Government is said to revived the much criticised "Green-dam"-like Internet content filtering. The project was once on hold is now revived with KPMG leading the visibility study on behalf of the Government.
-----

What do all these meant to you?

If all three incidents are originated from the Government, it means the Government is going to tighten the Net, not just the Internet, but your freedom of speech and your freedom of acquiring information.

What will all these affects you?
Just turn your eyes on Myanmar, North Korea, Vietnam, China, and Iran. Restricting access to information by the ruling regime will certainly created 2 camps of divided people:

1. the Elite, whom is blessed with the wealth of the entire Nation;

2. the rest of us, whom can never be one of the Elite no matter how hard you try.

Don't ever have the impression that you are rich therefore you are one of the Elite. You can be rich man this moment, but can be ripped away by the Elite and makes you poorest of all the next moment.

Elite, does not mean should be from a specific race, following a specific religion, etc. Elite means Elite and not the rest of us.

So for those wayang kulit fighting for their race and/or religion are merely to disguise themselves to fool you that they will fight for your rights.

They are just a group of Elite who need your support to maintain their status as Elite, not fighter for race or religion.

It is then up to you whether you want to be the stepping-stone for "ELITE", or to eliminate "ELITE" altogether.

Wednesday, August 18, 2010

七月鬼上身

祖宗有灵,律师乱语

鬼上身经典名句:

他随即更提问,赵明福会否扼自己的颈项?

全场顿时因为这个问题哄笑起来,这样的论点也让赵家律师哥宾星感到不可思议,立即站起来挑战阿都拉萨示范,一个人要如何扼死自己。

不料,阿都拉萨不按牌理的出牌,神色若定地立即即席表演自扼起来,瞬间引爆哄堂大笑。

----
阿都拉萨的另一个“妙论”是,声称赵明福在第14楼,即距离地面99尺时,会否因为不清醒,而导致身体比较重?

----
阿都拉萨更质问普缇,既然她说赵明福的落地点离开大楼的距离,比一般的跳楼自杀案例要来的远,那么她本身是否有从高楼跳下来的经验?
----



Sunday, August 15, 2010

谐街交警总部游记

一天中午, 接到短讯:

有三万,车子路税不能更新

马上到陆路交通局网站查询:网站挂免战牌,查不到。

再到大马皇家警察网站去:还是查不到,网站出问题。

最后到一家私人公司网站,查到了:

共有五张三万,日期由2006年到2008年。

硬下心,决定还,到谐街交警总部去还。

星期五下午,到谐街交警总部时3:40分。到了还三万的柜台,没人睬,一支公的不知道应该做什么。

观察了2分钟,提起勇气问柜台的官小姐应当如何:

"请问要如何还三万?"

"你到那边的柜台就行了。不过你必须要有三万清单。"

"要怎样拿三万清单? "

"我这里可以印给你,不过你要先拿编号。"

"编号如何拿?"

"哦!我们把编号机收了起来,下班时间快到了。"

"你们外面贴着办公时间,现在离下班还有45分钟哪"

"真不巧,今天有开斋晚餐,所以我们会准时下班"

"看看其实都没有多少人在等,不如你就高抬贵手,帮我一个忙吧!"

"对不起,我们只是照章办事,或者明天一早你再来吧!"

---第二天

到警局时上午8:45分。

柜台9点开门,我一马当先,拿到第4号。

5分钟,我拿到清单,接着去付罚款的柜台。

坐在里面的仁兄看着我:"要缴罚款你得给我详细的罚单啊!"

"我应该到那里要?"

"你回去刚才的柜台,向他要。"

回去第一个柜台,要了详细罚单,再回到付罚款的柜台,这次总算解决了。

原来
1 Malaysia
rakyat didahulukan
pencapaian diutamakan
是如此的服务方式。

- Posted using BlogPress from my iPhone

Thursday, August 12, 2010

很好!很好!以后就用梵文写遗书!

各位,

原来伟大的皇家警察看不懂中文,所以要超过500,000分钟后才敢拿出怀疑是“赵明福遗书”的纸条。

以此类推,您阁下要是一个不小心给皇家能人志士请去喝咖啡时,切记随身带着梵文版的遗书。

你要是喝咖啡后自己了结的话,我敢写保单那些吃皇家饭的会因为看不懂梵文而将你的遗书永不录用。

Wednesday, August 11, 2010

iPhone quick tips : Google Maps

You can find a location from your iPhone using Google maps.

In most cases we are searching a street name, or name of the building, for example:

Jalan universiti, petaling jaya

However, you can use Google Maps to look for say cafe within the area instead of trying to look for the street then try to look for a cafe, like this:




- Posted using BlogPress from my iPhone

Thursday, August 5, 2010

适耕庄图记

七掌八手

渔村之夜

鱼米之乡的热情,我的童年记忆

超大的葡萄冰

回家

悠闲

寻找


天边一片云

一朵小花

风调雨顺

威武

夕阳•黄昏

Monday, August 2, 2010

行动党与李自成

最近又看了金庸的碧血剑。

碧血剑的历史背景是明朝崇祯末年,也是李自成造反,一路攻下北京,逼得昏庸但却自以为英主的崇祯在煤山上吊的年代。

明朝末年,有点象我们这个年代。只是当时造反靠拳头,现在造反靠选票。

李自成,自封为闯王,有一批出生入死的弟兄打天下。闯军原是乌合之众的人民,造反只因为被当时的官逼到没饭吃。官场贪污、滥权不在话下,官商相护、牛鬼蛇神登上神台呼风唤雨,苛稅更是猛于虎。老百姓铁了心,被逼得造反。

崇祯吗,他以为他为国为民,可是就是耳朵喜欢听围绕在他身边的小人歌功颂德。自以为英明的他,被他身边的小人蒙蔽了还不自知,以为他自己当这个皇帝做的非常棒,那些造反的家伙全都头壳派了,不懂得如何感恩。

当时闯军作了不少歌谣,其中一首唱说:

朝求升,暮求合,近来贫汉难存活,早早开门拜闯王,管教大小都欢悦!

吃他娘,着他娘,吃着不尽有闯王,不当差,不纳粮!

李闯攻下了北京时,下令全军不得违法乱纪,不得骚扰百姓。北京城人人都摆香案迎接闯军,人人都认为苦日子已经过去了。

可是不到几天,闯军上下也认为他们替百姓做了好事,开始时要求百姓进贡,到后来却越来越猖狂,奸杀民女、抢劫百姓,就像斗官兵那么凶悍。

北京城里的百姓才明白,原来当官的,当权的,当兵的,全都是一个模样,一朝得势就向人民开刀,而百姓只有被人人鱼肉的份。

要知道接下来发生什么事,去买本碧血剑,或去读明史,你就会清楚。

现在的民联/行动党,就像是闯军。

原来天下乌鸦的确是一般的黑,白色的鸦,就会被同类当成异种。当官的要是不贪,就当不了官,不管他们是国阵还是民联。

一旦东窗事发,就快刀斩掉鱼虾蟹,弃车保帅,理由是堂而皇之的“维护州政权的稳定”。原来护短是为了要保卫政权,不是以人民利益为先。这样的政府我们人人都做得,为何要肥水流他人田?

我们投给他们的票,都被认为是理所当然,谁叫我们要国阵倒?

可是,为什么我们不可以有国阵和民联以外的选择?

为什么我们都爱给这些政棍骑在头上?

诚恳希望大家投我一票:
我保证我会比黑乌鸦还黑,从头发黑到心里去。
我保证我会比别人跑得快,你死你的事关我屁事。
我保证我黑线黑得比人多,有机会才漏一点面包削。
我保证你死在扣留所后我替你呐喊,如果死不去算你命大关我屁事?
我保证我也会一招“弃车保帅”,反正替死鬼你们爱当。

附送某行政议员逃难记 - 此乃本人亲体验,看官要看仔细,不好漏了后面的逃难路线图